(EU) Russia ke Ukraine par hamle ne Duniya War Do ke baad Europe ke sab se bade rufugee crisis ko paida kiya hai, lekin Ukrainian rufugees ko di gayi hamdardi aur tez hifazati tajaweez non-European migrants aur rufugees ke muqablay mein bilkul mukhtalif thi. Kya Ukrainian rufugee crisis EU ke iss masle par lambi ter mein asar daalega? EU ke aam taur par azlati rufugee aur migrants ke maamle mein kis tarah ke tabdiliyan mumkin hain?
Ukrainian rufugee crisis be misal hai. 8 million se zyada log Ukraine se apne mulkon mein bhaag gaye hain jab ke 7 million se zyada log Ukraine mein idhar udhar phail gaye hain. European response displaced Ukrainians ke liye be misal hai, jise public ke jawab aur civil society ke shirkat ke sath sath European governments ke EU Temporary Protection Directive ke zariye di gayi hifazati tadabeer ne mazboot kiya hai.
Ye cheez bilkul wazeh hai ke Middle East, Africa, aur Afghanistan se jang ya ghareebi ki wajah se bhaagne wale logon ke liye European countries ka mizaj sakht hai. Public aur siyasi kahani bhi bilkul mukhtalif hai. Russian hamle se bachane wale Ukrainians ko “naik kaam” ke taur par tarif ki gayi hai jab ke non-European aur non-white asylum seekers ko “hybrid security threats” ke tor par pesh kiya gaya hai. Bulgarian ex-prime minister Kiril Petkov ne kaha, ‘Ye hamare liye aam rufugees nahi hain,’ aur ye bhi kaha ke Ukrainians ‘Europeans, intelligent, educated log hain’ aur ‘usual rufugee wave ke log nahi hain.’
Ukrainian displacement ne Europe ke asylum approach ke bina par discrimination aur double standards ko sab se zyada wazeh taur par dikhaya hai.
Asal mein, kya hum asylum seekers ke liye Europe ke mizaj mein koi siyasi ya policy tabdili ki umeed kar sakte hain, jawab yeh hai ke, afsos, kam se kam qareebi mustaqbil mein nahi. Balki, Ukrainian displacement ne Europe ke asylum approach ke bina par discrimination aur double standards ko sab se zyada wazeh taur par dikhaya hai.
Lekin isse kuch sabaq sikhne ko milte hain aur Ukrainian crisis hamain dikhata hai ke Europe mein ek mukhtalif, insani taur par behtar asylum policy mumkin hai. Sab se pehle, scale aur capacity ke hawale se, agar EU Ukraine se aaye 8 million logon ka samna kar sakti hai, toh sirf 300,000 iraadiye crossings apne external borders par European governments ke liye pareshani ya badi mushkil nahi honi chahiye.
Dusri baat, Ukrainian rufugees ke liye is naiki jawabi response ko lambi mehdoodiyat mein barqarar rakhne ke liye, iske liye state commitments ki zarurat hai jo ke iss initial support ko complement kare. Existing asylum systems mein badi tadad mein imkanon mein farq hai aur refugees ke liye, chunke wo Ukrainians hain ya non-European refugees, hifazati aur integration mein kaam karna hai.
Migration ko lekar February mein aye EU summit mein yeh jo shayaari istemal hui hai, Identity and Democracy – European Parliament mein far-right group – ne apni poori demands ko uske final text mein shamil hone ka dawa kiya hai. Is summit se kya key takeaways hain? Policy mein kya tabdiliyan mumkin hain?
Yeh dukh aur hairat ki baat nahi hai ke far-right ki demands EU policy texts mein shamil hue hain. Asylum aur migration ke aas paas jo rhetoric aur politics hai, wo national aur EU levels par dono mein hi barhti ja rahi hai, aur European Council ke summit conclusions iss ko darust karte hain.
Council ne member state alliances dwara di gayi recommendations ko bhi almost verbatim adopt kiya. For example, Denmark, Lithuania, Greece, Latvia, Slovakia, Malta, Estonia, aur Austria ne jo letter just summit se kuch din pehle issue kiya tha, usme measures di gayi gayi thi irregular migration ke khilaf aur European asylum system ko refugee arrivals ke liye pull factor banaya gaya tha.
Summit ka pehla key takeaway yeh hai ke crisis narrative asylum aur migration ke maamle mein public discourse ko dominate karta hai. Europe ko aise dikhaya ja raha hai ke asylum seekers ke irregular arrivals se khatra hai aur policy ka focus border control aur deterrents par hai, asylum systems ko behtar banana aur refugees ke liye safe aur legal pathways banane ki bajaye. Text mein hairat ki baat yeh hai ke conclusion mein refugees ke support aur asylum access ke hawale se koi reference nahi hai – Ukrainian ke liye aisa hai lekin.
Doosra key takeaway yeh hai ke externalization, yaani EU ke asylum responsibilities ko Europe ke bahar shift karna, member states ke darmiyan ek hi point par consensus hai. Council ke conclusions mein external action par emphasis hai, jisme countries of origin aur transit ke sath cooperation shamil hai asylum seekers ke arrival ko rokne aur returns ko secure karne ke liye, jisme development aid, trade aur visa agreements jaise tools istemal hote hain.
Mujhe lagta hai ke humein aane wale mahinon ya aane wale EU presidencies ke doran koi badi policy tabdiliyan dekhne ko nahi milegi. Asylum aur migration ka area duniya bhar mein pehle hi bohot politicized aur securitized hai – UK government ke Illegal Migration Bill ka unveil bhi iss baat ko confirm karta hai ke asylum seekers ke haqooq par niche ki taraf jana hai. Main ummid karta hoon ke Europe apne borders ko mazeed mazboot banaye rakhegi aur refugees ke liye zimmedari ko third countries par shift karegi, neighboring ya na ho.
EU ka new pact on migration and asylum 2020 mein launch hua tha aur ise 2024 ke next EU elections se pehle approve kiya jana zaruri hai. Kya deal ki approval hone ke chances hain aur isme key points kya hain?
Migration and asylum pact, jise European Commission ne 2020 mein present kiya tha, ek package hai reform proposals ka jisme
EU ke common asylum system ko reform karne ka try kiya gaya tha. Yeh pact fresh start on migration ke tor par label kiya gaya tha, lekin isme member states ke darmiyan responsibility-sharing ka koi reliable perspective shamil nahi hai. Balki, isme human rights protections ko kam kiya gaya hai, returns aur deterrents par focus kiya gaya hai, aur migration control ko non-European countries mein externalize kiya gaya hai.
Pact ke negotiations start hone se lekar 2022 ke shuru mein ruke the, jab France ke EU presidency ne three key legislative issues par agreement hasil kiya: Schengen border codes, screening regulation, aur Eurodac regulation ke reform par. Instead of trying to reform the pact as a package, they pushed for gradual reform whereby individual legislative texts are negotiated step by step and independently of each other. Is approach ke zariye wo EU asylum reforms ko lekar long-stalled progress ko aage badhane aur parliamentary term ke end tak similar mini-deals ko secure karne mein madad milegi. Kuch hafton pehle European Parliament ke Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) committee ne pact mein shamil key regulations ke favor mein vote kiya – jo EU ko iski adoption ke kareeb laaya.
Lekin phir bhi bohot se sticking points hain – jisme se sab se mushkil wala solidarity hai, jo member states ke darmiyan responsibility-sharing ko lekar hai. Council level par solidarity ka form finalize karne ke liye negotiations chal rahe hain, jo ke relocation mechanisms se lekar financial contributions aur receiving member states mein capacity-building tak shamil hote hain.
EU-wide consensus on solidarity mechanisms ki jagah, solidarity ke key contentious issues par progress ko smaller groups of states mein hi possible hone ka zyada chance hai – ise flexible solidarity model kaha jata hai. For example, June mein pichle saal, 18 member states ne ek non-legally binding solidarity declaration sign ki thi, jisme Mediterranean countries mein asylum seekers ke relocation ke liye support ke liye Western ya Northern European countries ne financial contributions aur operational support ya relocation ka commitment kiya tha.
To kuch movement toh hai solidarity ke hawale se lekin EU-wide solution nahi hai jaise commission promises karti hai. Solidarity aur in package deals ke sath general problem yeh hai ke member states ke interests mukhtalif hote hain. Migration ke hawale se council mein political tension bohot zyada hai, jo legislative texts mein propose kiye gaye unworkable aur impractical solutions ko lekar hai.
EU ki ek nayi migration aur asylum pact ko 2020 mein launch kiya gaya tha aur ise 2024 ke next EU elections tak approve kiya jana chahiye. Deal ko approve hone ki kitni ummid hai aur isme key sticking points kya hain?
Migration aur asylum pact ek package hai reform proposals ka, jise European Commission ne 2020 mein present kiya tha, common European asylum system ko reform karne ke liye. Yeh pact commission ke taraf se “fresh start on migration” ke tor par label kiya gaya tha, lekin isme member states ke darmiyan responsibility-sharing ka koi reliable perspective shamil nahi hai. Balki, isme human rights protections ko kam kiya gaya hai, returns aur deterrents par focus kiya gaya hai, aur migration control ko non-European countries mein externalize kiya gaya hai.
Pact ke negotiations start hone se lekar 2022 ke shuru mein ruke the, jab France ke EU presidency ne three key legislative issues par agreement hasil kiya: Schengen border codes, screening regulation, aur Eurodac regulation ke reform par. Instead of trying to reform the pact as a package, they pushed for gradual reform whereby individual legislative texts are negotiated step by step and independently of each other. Is approach ke zariye wo EU asylum reforms ko lekar long-stalled progress ko aage badhane aur parliamentary term ke end tak similar mini-deals ko secure karne mein madad milegi. Kuch hafton pehle European Parliament ke Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) committee ne pact mein shamil key regulations ke favor mein vote kiya – jo EU ko iski adoption ke kareeb laaya.
Lekin phir bhi bohot se sticking points hain – jisme se sab se mushkil wala solidarity hai, jo member states ke darmiyan responsibility-sharing ko lekar hai. Council level par solidarity ka form finalize karne ke liye negotiations chal rahe hain, jo ke relocation mechanisms se lekar financial contributions aur receiving member states mein capacity-building tak shamil hote hain.
EU-wide consensus on solidarity mechanisms ki jagah, solidarity ke key contentious issues par progress ko smaller groups of states mein hi possible hone ka zyada chance hai – ise flexible solidarity model kaha jata hai. For example, June mein pichle saal, 18 member states ne ek non-legally binding solidarity declaration sign ki thi, jisme Mediterranean countries mein asylum seekers ke relocation ke liye support ke liye Western ya Northern European countries ne financial contributions aur operational support ya relocation ka commitment kiya tha.
To kuch movement toh hai solidarity ke hawale se lekin EU-wide solution nahi hai jaise commission promises karti hai. Solidarity aur in package deals ke sath general problem yeh hai ke member states ke interests mukhtalif hote hain. Migration ke hawale se council mein political tension bohot zyada hai, jo legislative texts mein propose kiye gaye unworkable aur impractical solutions ko lekar hai.
Europe ke migration aur asylum ke hawale se February mein aye special EU summit mein jo wording istemal hui, usme Identity and Democracy – European Parliament mein far-right group – ne apni poori demands ko final text mein shamil hone ka dawa kiya hai. Is summit se kya key takeaways hain? Policy mein kya tabdiliyan mumkin hain?
Yeh dukh aur hairat ki baat nahi hai ke far-right ki demands EU policy texts mein shamil hue hain. Asylum aur migration ke aas paas jo rhetoric aur politics hai, wo national aur EU levels par dono mein hi barhti ja rahi hai, aur European Council ke summit conclusions iss ko darust karte hain.
Council ne member state alliances dwara di gayi recommendations ko bhi almost verbatim adopt kiya. For example, Denmark, Lithuania, Greece, Latvia, Slovakia, Malta, Estonia, aur Austria ne jo letter just summit se kuch din pehle issue kiya tha, usme measures di gayi gayi thi irregular migration ke khilaf aur European asylum system ko refugee arrivals ke liye pull factor banaya gaya tha.